China and the World since 1945: An International History (The Making of the Contemporary World)

China and the World since 1945: An International History (The Making of the Contemporary World)

Language: English

Pages: 160

ISBN: 0415606519

Format: PDF / Kindle (mobi) / ePub

The emergence of China as a dominant regional power with global influence is a significant phenomenon in the twenty-first century. Its origin could be traced back to 1949 when the Chinese Communist Party under Mao Zedong came to power and vowed to transform China and the world. After the ‘century of humiliation’, China was in constant search of a new identity on the world stage. From alliance with the Soviet Union in the 1950s, China normalized relations with America in the 1970s and embraced the global economy and the international community since the 1980s. This book examines China’s changing relations with the two superpowers, Asian neighbours, Third World countries, and European powers.

China and the World since 1945 offers an overview of China’s involvement in the Korean War, the Sino-Soviet split, Sino-American rapprochement, the end of the Cold War, and globalization. It assess the roles of security, ideology, and domestic politics in Chinese foreign policy and provides a synthesis of the latest archival-based research on China’s diplomatic history and Cold War international history

This engaging new study examines the rise of China from a long-term historical perspective and will be essential to students of Chinese history and contemporary international relations.

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credibility and legitimacy of China’s sovereignty claims, or so Mao believed. 24 Sino-Soviet Alliance Like Tibet, Mao was determined to achieve unification with Taiwan in the early years of the PRC, but he pursued it primarily by military means. Following its surrender in August 1945, Japan had returned Taiwan (together with other ‘stolen’ territories such as Manchuria) to China on the basis of the 1943 Cairo Declaration between America, Britain, and Nationalist China and the subsequent

decided to cross the thirty-eighth parallel in early 1951 after 28 Sino-Soviet Alliance getting Stalin’s full support. During the armistice talks between the Chinese/North Korean and US/UN representatives that began in July, Mao frequently sought the opinions and advice of Stalin.18 Sino-Soviet economic ties, too, were strengthened. The Korean Warrelated embargoes propelled Mao and his economic planners to speed up China’s integration into the Soviet economic bloc. The patterns of China’s

what even Brzezinski acknowledged would be overt military aggression’.8 Having secured Carter’s ‘green light’, upon his return from the United States, Deng made the final decision on a limited war against Vietnam. Starting on 17 February and lasting for 17 days, more than a quarter-million PLA troops attacked the Vietnamese forces, occupying land but suffering heavy casualties themselves. On 5 March, Beijing announced the withdrawal of the Chinese troops. To Deng, the chief geopolitical objective

Foreign Relations at Home and Abroad in the Republican Era’, CQ 150 (June 1997): 433–58; Frank Dikötter, The Age of Openness: China before Mao (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2008). 12 On the memory and discourse of ‘national humiliation’ and its impact on China’s foreign policy, especially in the post-1978 era, see Peter Hays Gries, China’s New Nationalism: Pride, Politics, and Diplomacy (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004); William A. Callahan, China: The Pessoptimist Nation

coexisted quite easily. As long as the Soviet Union Conclusion 137 held high the banner of anti-imperialism and supported China’s economic and military development, Mao was willing to subordinate China’s national interest to proletarian internationalism. But with the intensification of the Sino-Soviet split, Mao could no longer tolerate ‘Soviet big power chauvinism’ and China’s subordinate status. After breaking with the Soviet revisionists, in the mid-1960s, China positioned itself within the

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